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Guidelines for Civic Committees Anticrime Committees and Community Courts [1993] ZAConAsmRes 33 (1 December 1993)

 

DECEMBER 1993

GUIDELINES FOR
- CIVIC COMMITTEES
ANTICRIME COMMITTEES, and
- COMMUNITY COURTS
at
- yard, street, area, branch, local
- sub-regional, regional and
- national levels

Published by
CIVIC INFORMATION CONSULTANTS INTERNATIONAL

Proposals from Ntsokolo Dan Sandi (former National General Secretary of Sanco, now Civic Consultant)


COMMUNITY JUSTICE STRUCTURES

Civic committees, anti-crime committees and community courts as structures of popular justice should engage with state and private justice during the transition and even in a free South Africa. The argument of Daniel Nina in the Weekly Mial Supplement (p.9) of 10-16/1213 that "during the current period of political transition, stucturs of popular justice must decide whether to remain isolated or engage with state and private justice" must be viewed as a challenge to the civic movement.
But, it would be important to get a distinction between eL civic committee, anti-crime committee and a community court, which are supposed to be operating at yard, street area, branch, local sub- regional and regional level on a non-partisan basis.

CIVIC COMMITTEE (at all levels)
This is a committee elected by residents across the spectrum of society to seek solutions to prob‑lems mil and on behalf asters on issues affecting one ormore residents in the Following and other areas:
I .health and welfare, including pensions

  1. land, housing and services, including electricity, water, telephones, postal services rent and service

charges

  1. . organising and political education
  2. culture, sport and religion
  3. . unemployment and labour, including business affairs
  4. local government and development
  5. legal and constitutional affairs
  6. . education and training, including literacy, voter education, election monitoring, education for de mocracy/civies education

9, roads and transport, including tarring of streets and roads, ta)d associations

  1. 0. media, information and publicity
  2. 1. campaigns, including anti-crime campaigns
  1. security, peace and comfort

13, financing of the civic organisation

14, administration and co-ordination of the civic.
But, the main aim of the civic is the democratisation of the society and to monitor the behaviour

and actions of the government and all levels. The civic remains autonomous of state and business
institutions including political parties and movements although it is free to form alliances with individu‑als and groups which promote civic aims and objectives, principles and policies as an organ of civil society founded of the principles of non-racialism, non-sexisrn, democracy and unity with non-partisan‑ship as its main policy. While civics refers to many civic organisations, it is also an academic discipline of the rights, duties and responsibilities of citizens. Civics H play a community watchdog role on democracy, even in a democratic South Africa.

ANTI-CRIME COMMITTEE (at all levels)
An anti-crime committee is a campaign committee against crime, but operating underthe auspices of the civic. Its weapon against crime is education and training of residents.
I agree with Daniel Nina that the civic movement has already begun a process of self-regulating and that well-organised popular justice structure forming part of civil society could be useful and legitimate in future, By civil society here we mean all those political, social, economic and religious elements of society which do not and/or will not form part of dit government l)Daniel Nina correctly-

argues that a progressive culture of popular justice in any co mmunity should have at least the Following elements:

- it should be accountable to the corwnunity and the civic movement;
- it should practise collective participation and democratic decision-making;

- it should abide by both current and future laws (provided they are from a legitimate government);

- it should respect human rights
Civic committees and anti-crime committees as dealers of peace, order and conflict resolution should be tested against these four and other principles throughout the country.
The PROCEDURE in crime lntvemion and intervention should start at civic yard conunittee and the latter should refer the problem to a YARD ANTI-CRIME COMMITTEE (YACC) for investigation and report back to the civic yard committee. One evening a week the civic yard committee, the YACC, the accused and the defendant should come together as a community cowl to resolve conflicts. This court should be convened by the YACC. After both disputing parties are heard, the issue should be discussed in open debate. But the solution, to a large extent, should depend on these in conflict. This procedure is expected at:

- Street level with a civic street committee and a street anti-crime committee (SACC)

- Area level with a civic area committee and an area awledmc committee (A-ACC)

- Branch level with a civic branch committee and a branch anti-crime committee (BACC)

- Local level with a civic local committee and a local anti-crime committee (LACC)

- Sub-Regional level with a civic sub-regional committee and a sub-regional anti-CRIME committe (SRACC)

- Regional level with a civic regional committee and a regional anti-crime committee (R-ACC)

- National level with a civic national committee and a national anti-crime committee (NACC)

COMPOSITION OF STRUCTURES
Each civic committee CONSISTS of 15 elected members. Please see the attached chagaun for the composition of anti-crime committees. The Conununity Court at each level should consist of the civic committee, the anti-crime committee and the parties in dispute.

WHAT ANTI-CRIME COMMITTEES SHOULD HANDLE
The anti-cidme committee only investigates cases referred to it by a civic committee which will ultimately be heard once a.week in a COMMUNITY- coat These cases include the following:

- car theft, rape, house-breaking, robbery, physical assault, murder, insult, intimidation, incitement, harassment ill-treatment, interference with privacy, vandalism.
But rape and murder should be referred to the police after arresting the culprit. All disputes should be referred by a civic committee to an anti-crime committee for investigation, and hearing by a community court.

WHAT CIVIC, ANTI-CRIME COMMITTEES AND COMMUNITY COURTS SHOULD

NOT DO
Marital and/or domestic problems should be referred to social workers, especially FAMSA. The later body is needed in each magisterial district in South Africa. Fortunately, UNISA offers a one-year post-matric diploma in marriage guidance and counselling which enables people to become qualified social workers.
No physical punishment should be meted out by civic committees, anti -crime committees and the community courts. The best weapon is education and training of reddens against crime and violence. Community justice structures are community school where residents; learn about human rights and how to mobilise, organise bend unite against their daily bread and butter problems as residents. Commu‑nity justice structures are community-based institutions of crime and violence prevention and conflict resolution.



FINANCING CIVIC AND ANTI-CRIME COMMITTEES

The civic movement has to be financed by all residents at a local level by means fees and subseriptionfees,thatis,R6peryearbyeachreidentandR2joiningfee. But,eachurbanorrurallocal authority (municipality), sub-regional authority, regional authority and central government should also tliink seriously about allocating a certain percentage of its budget for the local sub-regional, regional and national civic structures respectively. The same applies to budgets of the private sector at local, sub-regional, regional and national levels,

The Departments of Prisoris/Correctional Services, Law and Order, Justice should also think seri‑ously about allocating a certain percentage of their budgets to anti-crime committees at local, sub‑regional, regional and national levels of the anti-crime committees. This also applies to the Peace Accord structures and the Cornmunity-Police Forums.

Street and Area anti-crime educators should be employed by the civic on a part-time basis. That in in a glen area under a civic area committee, there should be a part-time anti-crime educator in each street under the co-ordinafion of an area anti-crirne educator.

But branch, local, sub-regional, regional and national crime monitors should be employed by the civic on a full-time basis. The fund which finances the anti-crirne committee at each level under the civic (from local to national level) could he known as the ANTI-CRIME FUND under the direct con‑trol of the civic. The private sector could also be usetbl in the financing of an anti-crime project.

CONCLUSION

It should be noted that the views expressed in this article are not necessarily those of the civic movement or Sanco, but my personal views on how to deal with crime and violence in South Africa, based on my practical and theoretical experience as the secretary in the civic movement at street, area, branch, local, sub-regional, regional and national level till I resigned on 6-8-1993 as National Secretary of Sanco.

Who should pay part-time and fufi-time personnel?
- The Peace Accord, police, private sector, etc. should fund a special account of Sanco to be known as
Sanco Anti-Crime Account
(a) Proposed composition of Local Anti-Crhne Committee
- the Local monitor, plus
- 13ranzli Cio-ordinators (one irom each Branch of Sanco)
- Sanco President
(h) Proposed composition of a Branch Anti-Criine Committee - Sanco Branch President - Branch Anti-Crime Educator - Area Anti-Crime Educators (c) Proposed composition of a Area Anti-Crime Committee - Sanco Area President - Area Anti-Crime Educator - Street Anti-Crime Educators (i.e. one from each street in an area) (d) Proposed composition of a Street Anti-Crime Committee - Sanco Street President - Street Anti-Crime Educator - Yard A-nti-Crime Educators (one from each yard in the stmeo (c) Proposed composition of a Yard Anti-Crime Committee - Sanco Yard President - Yard Anti Crime Educator
- Family Anti-Crime Educators (i.e. one from each family in a yard)

WHAT IS AN ANTI-CRIME COMMITTEE?
An anti-ciime committee can be defined as a non-state problem-solver which is not isolated from the counlwmilc
It acts as a watchdog on criminal problems affecting the community and promote a culture that start at grassroots levcb conveying the values and norms of a new marriage of customary and conunon lam, or genend la" and its emphasis is on achieving peace, friendship and reconciliation rather than alienating people. An anti-cdme committee serves as a site of exchange of inforinations and education on desired morality. Positive morality embraces the code of conduct accepted by the community as a whole.
The problems handled by anti-crime committees are anti-crime, but exclude blood cases which include severe fights and murder. Though they work mainly on a street basis, anti-crime committees an: not n:gudated. They are probletn-solvers and these problems may be of a domestic nature, thus creating a climate of neighbourliness.
Anti-crime committees are effective in areas where there are many robbedel iupel housebmak ing, thefts, etc. and operate like the "white neighbourhood vvatches". THE AIM IS TO REDUCE THE RATE OF CRIME AND PROMOTE AN ATMOSPHERE OF GOOD NEIGHBOURLINESS, AND TO MAKE IT EASIER FOR RESIDENTS TO DEMOCRATICALLY REACH DECISIONS ON MATTERS AFFECTING THE RESIDENTS.
Anti-crime comrliittees are not a replacement forthe police or aimed at taking over their duties in any way. They are problem-solvers in cases of crime and violbnce, But, anti-crime committees need guidelines. And it is hoped that this document could assist in that regard.


CRIME AND VIOLENCE AGAINST S.A. RESIDENTS AND WHAT OTHIERS

SAA'
INTRODUCTION

During the course of our struggle, especially in 1990-1992 ilwyeands of our people, including civic leadership (e.g. Sam Ntuli and others) were killed and murdered in a calculated violence directed at the leadership of the liberation movements, the civic and their allies, and the black communities in particular. Political organisations of the people took an initiative and active role in the preparations for the National Peace Accort (Amics also YaWe the life of human beings and strongly seek harmony amongst all residerds, Though civics are not involved in the N.P.A. structures, they also seek to hasten the process and hope that all the N.P.A. structures will be in smooth and sound operation in all the regions of S.A. But the adopted N.P.A. structures and codes of conduct will be meaningless if the violence and killings of our people and the leadership of the orgardsations continue. Evidence of police collusion and disregard of he agreed TERA. codes still abounds, and the state does not prosecute the culprits which obviously are paid out of its secret funds. The press or media continue to uncover and reveal facts about the violence and structures of apartheid provoking and perpetuating violence. Public funds involving millions of rands have been owed to promote violence and, in this regard, certain pup‑pets have been implicated. The state is surprisingly reluctant to outlaw the carrying of dangerous weapons in public, despite the alarming death toll in many parts of the country, especially in the Western Cape, Natal and the Transvaal.
It is clear that some people are talking peace on the one hand while colluding in the war against opponents in the other. In so doing, they hope to exact from the liberation movement compromises that will leave the system of apartheid totally unchanged. The irresponsible statements and threats of civil war from certain political leaders also attest to this vicious state strategy.
The root cause of this violence is apartheid and capitalism which are inhuman crimes and violence against humanity. Residents need to be protected against crime and violence throughout the country.
Civics need to urgently set up amhcdme committees against crime from streetto national level in defence of the residents represented bythe civic irrespective oftheir political affiliation and non-politi‑cat affiliation. Civics as democratic watchdogs over local government, human rights and democracy need to play this role even in a new South Africa. Civics account downwards to street level as broad nonpartisan community-based suuctuts vtich are above party politics. The civic is the residents, and the residents the civic. Other crimes and violence against residents in the townships constitute the continued cutting otof cater and electricity, harassment of rent and service charges defaulters, lack of schools including teacher-training colleges and technikons; poor living conditions and lack of the nec‑essary facilities and amenities.
The security forces which will secure democracy m£1 dwnelves love bD be P:presernative of all Soul Africans from the lowest to the highest leve4 paying unquestioned allegiance to the constitution that elected representatives of the people will have drawn up in the Constituent Assemble and the World Trade Centre.
The following is an analysis of the present violence in a Mayibuye publication:

ALLEGED STATE VIOLENCE AND CRIME

State violence and crime are weapons to destroy democracy. The state wants to weaken its opponents and so entrench themselves by violent means that they can impose their viewpoints. The concern about violence is not only about tne desire to save Eves, critical as this certainly is. It is also about ensuring fundamental transformation through negodabonj without further loss of life and dislo‑cation of the economy But violence also means a lot more for the future, For, whether we like it or not, the intolerance underlying the violence will carry forward into the post-apartheid society. The tendency to impose unpopular ideas by means of terror is sowing the seeds for the kind of banditry that has ravaged societies like Mozambique, Angola and Nicaragua, One effect of this is that it could lay the badsfor

authoritarian rule by a post-apartheid government. As ice love seen in other societies, while this may start with good intentions, it can easily result in the undermining of liberties for decades on end. The problem of violence, therefore, transcends the immediate future. A comprehensive strategy is required to deal with it. We need to act firmly in defence of the masses. The cost of the violence must be brought home to those in power..

The major weakness of the forces of violence is, ironically, that they are still in power. While trying to maximise the cost of violence to the oppressed and their civics and liberation movements, political organisations and trade unions, they seek to minimise its impact on the white establishment,

Firmness, however, should be combined with flexibility. It would not help the struggle if by our actions we were to close all doors to those forces within the state who genuinely want a peaceful solution. But there is not doubt that all elements within the state gain from the violence and, by commission or omission, they are collectively responsible for the acts of mass murder and killings, The regime seeks to portray itself as an impartial force above the violence, while facts have shown that it is deeply involved.

The perpetrators must find themselves confronted by a united national peace force: the mass democratic contingent religious communities, big business and elements from the soldiers and police, homeland leaders, government functionaries and other sectors of society.

The fbhoming is a summary of what other people say on traditional weapons.

TRADITIONAL WEAPONS/CULTURAL WEAPONS

After the unbanrling of organisations the regime surprisingly acquired a new sensitivity to African People's traditions when it comes to weapons. Are these the signals of he new South Africa? But, the historical record of the regime proves otherwise.

For more than a cemul; he carrying of weapons by Africans was banned. If a person was found withjust a stick, he/she was subjected to the humiliating test of putting it in his/her mouth to prove that it mvas not thick enough to cause a fatd bloc. In urban amal people spent many a cold night injail for carrying a pocket knife. But the implementation of these procedures was selective. The state hardly intervened in areas ridden by factional fights. Where there was resistance against the state, the police andarmywerenotfoundwanting. Itiswiththisconceminmind,thattheNataldemocraticmovement delegation which met the government in September 1990 called for a ban on the carrying of weapons' The goveniment lacaded powerlessness, claiming there were no laws for this purpose. Their attention "us then dramtn to the existence of such a law.

A nivv days atwr the meeting, the government scrapped -li Try and kgdhed dw carrying of he traditional weapons.

Byhookorbycrooktheyweredetenninedtobecomelegallypowerless. Inanyease,howtradi‑tional is the carrying of weapons? In most ethnic groups, men used to carry all kinds of weapons as heads of the family and soldiers. Yet there were codes relating to this. An ind una could decree against the carrying of such weapons if he realised that on occasions such as beer-drinking parties, violence would ensue. All this belongs to an era of the past.

Todayonedoesnotfindrnencarryingspearsandbatde-axesinthestreets. Inanycase,ifweapolis werecarriedandusedtoattackopponents,thepracticewouldhavetobecalledintoquestion. Evenin pre-colonial days, communities evolved traditions and modified thern according to their interests. The call against the carrying of all dangerous weapons, is out of a tragic reality, This is not meant to interfere with the symbolism of cultural occasions. Any right thinking African is bound to be incensed by the white governments perversion of traditions.

AIMS OF THE APARTHEID VIOLENCE

Both in the media and,,Yithin some communities there is a tendency to see violence in clinic tenne This approach conceals the actual causes of the violence and aims of its perpetrators.
FIRSTLY, violence is aimed at undermining free political activity and Inevenhng the growth and appeal of certain liberation movements. It is also aimed at establishing the dominance of groups

which serve the interests of white minority rlfle,

SECONDLY, it is aimed at undermining support for an iniehnn government by making people feel that the current regime cannot be replaced without giving way to chaos and mayhem. Some capable liberation movements Ewe then portrayed as being incapable of taking charge of the transition and of leading the forces for change.

THIRDLY, some of the forces seek to sabotage the peaceful process in its entirety and revert to rule by the gun and baton. But, we cannot dismiss the ethnic factor out of liand. Those fuelling violence hope to frustrate nonracial democracy by making people feel that the only viable and safe form of social eiidenee is the exclusive ethnic or racial group. Non-racialism will then be seen as a threat rather than a condition for peace. In @ way, ethnic stereotypes are invigorated and mobilised against genuine transformation.

WIIITE RIGHT-WING VIOLENCE

Despite the rise of the right-wing violence the police, army and vigilante violence remain greater threats to the process of peaceful change in South Africa. There is also the problem of obtaining information on right-wing violence. People's organisations did not keep properly documented ac‑countsofincidentsandL2Notordy@onlntsstepons. Theapartheidsystemhadbeenresponsibleforthe climate of violence. The South African right-wing is White brutality on farms, and the conservative white town council's cutting of essential services to black town ships also contributed to the climate of violence. There is an alleged close link between the S.A.P. and S.A.D.E which have easy access to arrnsandeornbatskills. Thestatchasnotmovedinanyseriouswayagainstthepolenliallossofwhitc support than about right-wing actions. Ultimately black and white reactionary violence strengthens the hand of the government If we an Tokhg for people with the resources, the weapons, the expertise and training, the professionalism and experience, the ability to kill and destabilise, then we must surely look at the history of the special forces of the S.A.D.F. They have always trained and used surrogate forces: Koevoet, UNITA and RENAMO. Strategies have to be developed to stem the right-wing tide. Public pressure, campaigns and legal action sue YeWs of stepping the iigh-edng from intimidating people and disrupting the peace process in our country.

CONCLUSION

In short, there is no Black-on-Black violence in South Africa, but Apartheid violence which has, for years, been funded, planned and orchestrated by enemies of peace, freedom and democracy to underline the negotiation Inueese Apartheid is shH alive and this current violence is a strong witness to that. It is aimed, first, at weakening the liberation forces and their allies at the negotiating table as the regime talks peace on the one hand, but directly and indirectly implicated in the criminal and political Apartheidviolence. SecondlyitisaimedatinstillingaculmmoffearintoSouthAfricanCommudties, especially Black people, so that they don't vote for their chosen political parties during the first nonra‑cial,nationalelections. Thirdlyitistoereateaninipressioniiitheeyesoftheinternationalcommudty that Blacks are not yet ready ID either govern or become part of the government of a future South Africa. Lastly, the present Apartheid crime and violence are aimed at destroying and destabdising

peacn freedom and democracy for ever and ever, and retain white control over the majority of the people of South Africa.

It is because of political oppression and economic exploitation which have led to the current crisis situation in South Africa. Remember that Apartheid was declared long ago by the intemafional corn‑munity as a crime against huin@ty. Apartheid is, in fact, another form of violence. Unless, the present minority government resigns, there will be no peace, freedom and democracy in South Africa. It is not mass action which has destroyed the South African economy, but the mismanagement of the economy and all the country's wealth by a few at the expense of all South Africans.

Part of the solution would obviously be the installation of the Transitional Exeeufive Council (TEC) with all its sub-councils such as joint control over all security forces, finance and other nonracial national departments in a united Soutb Africa, etc.

But, we also need the input of all the organs of civil society in the form of CIVIL SOCIETY FORUM of South Africa. Such organs of civil society include the civic and labour movements, religions, sport, cultural, youth, women, non-state business organisations, traditional leaders, taxi associationslforum, education forum, service organisations forum, ore,

The international community could also be involved as neutral convenors in all structures of tw multi-party constitutional forum so that agreements reached at this forum have an international force andeffeet. ButwencedalsotothinkseriouslyaboutthedeploymentoftheUNPeaceKcepingForee prior, during and after the first nonracial national elections to avoid what happened in Angola,

Crime and violence in South Africa mainly occurs in local communities where people are, perpe‑trated by opponents of peace, freedom and democracy. It may help to involve the local communities in urban and rural areas in preventing and, if possibl@ eliminating crime and violence for ever and ever. Iltunari av"areness programmes in chimstm:W schools, ordal, institutions and all social institutions are necessary, if not imperative,

But, to involve millions of South Africans in such programmes automatically means the active involvement of civic associations which have committees and departments at yard, street, area, branch, local, sub-regional/zonal, regional and national levels. SANCO, as a unitary, democratic, nonsexist, nonracial and nonpartisan grassroots organ of civil society is in a much stronger position to co-ordinate anti-crime committees of youths between 14 and 34 years at all levels ofthe civic movement mentioned above with full-time co-ordinators and assistant co-ordinators.

The state, private sector, Peace Accord, Donors and the international community should consider funding a massive project known as CRIME AND VIOLENCE PREVENTION PROJECT.

PROPOSED ANNUAL BUDGET
National Co-ordinator (R3,000 x 12 months) 3610000
Assistant National Co-ordinator (R2,800 x 12 months) 33A0100
Regional (To-ordinators (R2100 x 12 moats x 16) 48100100
Assistant Regional Co-ordinators (R2,400 x 12 months x 16) 46180100
Local Co-ordinators (R1,200 x 12 months x 2,000) 28,800,000-00
Assistant Local Co-ordinators (R1,000 x 12 months x 2,000) 24,000,000-00,
TOTAL R 5,8 10,400-00

Workshops for locals, regions and national levels 25100000

Publications on Marshalling in the communities, cxowdl mass meeting and mass rallies 6510000
Transport (R41000 x 17) 76100000
Fuel IbihcMI imgwns and national levels 5100000
Repairs and maintenance 4100000
Rate and Television programmes on crime and violence prevention 7010000
GRAND TOTAL R 55,050,400-00

Note Well: Initially the projectmay do away with local co-ordinators and assistant local co‑ordinators, thus:

2180100000

2100100000

TOTAL 5180100000

ASSISTANCE REQUIRED INITIALLYFOR I YEAR(1993/1994)MAYTHEN BEAS FOLLOWS:

5515140100

5180100000

TOTAL 215140100


Number of people that could be employed:

- 2 at national level

- 32 at regional level

- 4000 at local level

i.e. (4034 youths in total).

Advantages

- the rate of unemployment which also contributed to crime could be reduced

- anti-crime committees could also serve as a training ground for prospective community police

- education against crime and violence at all levels

lliadvamuges - these who are not employed nAThme may cmante problems foremployed anti-crime co-ordinators and their assistants.

Proposals for funding - A crime and violence project could be appropriate under the civic movement - It could be funded by the National Peace Accord for local, sub-regional, regional and national levels. The European Community, big business, donors and the state could also be asked to assist - The Community-Police Forum could be expected to fund Branch, Area, Street and Yard levels of operation of the Anti Crime Committee - Other possible donors could incl ude municipalities and chambers of business.

Note Well:
The views expressed in this document are not necessarily those of the CICI.
What is CICI?

CICI is a private civic consultancy established by the former National General Secretary of SANCO

(Ntsokolo Dan Sandi) for information and networks internationally on all organs of civil society with

the aim of initiating discussions on the formation of a CIVIL SOCIETY FORUM with a CIVIL SOCI-

E@'Y INSTITUTE in each country, subcontinent continent and worldwide. The other objective of

CICI is to promote discussions and debates in each country about the establishment of a POLITICAL

AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC COUNCIL assisted by:

- a Multi Party Forum with a Multi Party Democracy Institute

- a National Economic Forum with an Economic Development Institute

- a Civil Society Forum with a Civil Society Institute

- an NGO Forum with an NGO Institute

The main aim of a Political and SOCIOECONOMIC Council could include meetings of the fourforurns mentioned above with the following items on the agenda

  1. Political development
  2. Socioeconomic development
  3. Peace and Human Rights
  4. Community Education and Empowerment

The short-term objective of CICI is to give advice to members of the public on educatior4 development local government violence and crime prevention and general human rights and information,

CICI works in association with a registered NGO (in terms of Section 21 of the Companies Act) which is based in Johannesburg known as HUMANICS EDUCATIONAL TRUST OF AFRICA (HETOA), which can administer a CIVIC AND VIOLENCE PREVENTION PROJECTS on behalf of the civic movement/commuddes,ifgivenachance. ThefohomdngsectonwillgiveyouaclearpicturcofHetoa and CICI, although the emphasis is on Job Training and Job Creatior4 copies of which were submitted to the National Economic ForwTI S.A. Breweries, National Sorghum Breweries, A4obHe 'Rtephone ltenvQd4 Independent Elvdopnwnt Trust and all embassies for assistance. Unfortunately, there was little success.
Humanic.s Educational Trust of Africa (HETOA) is incorporated as a'not for gain organizatiod gov‑

emed by a volunteer Boanl of liadonal ConununAy corporate and non-profit orgwmeatons leaden and incorporating CIVIC INFORMATION CONSULTANTS INTERNATIONAL (CICI).

HETONs mission statement is to concern itself with education and training in its widest sense, with participation and financial aid in the form of youth branch structures, community involved upliftment projects, bursaries, scholarships with an emphasis on providing funds for the first year of study at a University or Technicon, since this is the area where most problems are being experiencedpresently.TheestablishmentofEducationalCentres. Establishingandsupplyingthecommunitieswithaccurate, responsible, information about sources of support for education and human nnouwe development to increase opportunities for all South Africans to enable us to prepare the youth for leadership in a post‑apartheidsociety. Toencouragethecommurdtytoworktogetherbyhelpingneedypeople,co-ordinate and develop self-help projects and assist community organisations with feasibility studies and also the packaging for funding.

CICI's mission statement is to promote debates and discussions on political, economic and social issues and an establishment of structural relationships between politicians, economists and civil society, and the isle of service and resource organisations from local to international level for everlasting peace and human rights on the planet earth.

CICI is not an organisation and does not represent the community, but a private consultancy service on information and networks iraern2dionally on the following organs of civil society and share whatever information on request with any organs of civil society:

Civic Movement

Labour Movement

Youth Coalition

WomeiiCoadhon

1Jorestate naedia forum

Non-stale business forum

Arts and cultural forum

Sport and recreational forum

Religious organisations forum

Service and resource organisations fonon

Parents-teacher,s-students associations (education)

HETOA's/CICI Scope of Involvement

Training Centres

Sub-regional training centres already exist in 12 centres and approved by the Training Board for local goventnent bodies and so thr about 200 courses have been offered underdw control of the Department

of 14anpowen

proposals:

HETCYAJCICI ivode in collaboration with the above centres by recruiting those who wish to receive training, We cannot place sufficient emphasis on proper Career Guidance so that all students are eventually taken up productively in the work place, and not after having been trained as considerable costs discover they don't find anyjob satisfaction at what they are doing, presently students are enroll‑ing for courses vathouireally being informed properly.

That HETOA/CICI be represented in each of the training courses

ThatHETO ICI establish more training centres in the honalands and rural areas including the Albany

sub-region@

That Technicon OFS be involved in each centre@

ESTABLISHING A BURO FOR POST-PRIMARY EDUCATION

HETOA/CICI is working together with the Technicon OFS offering I month traiiang courses at the lbcbicbnor anyapproved training centreswith adequate htng4naccommodationconducive to le...... after which diplomas will be issued. We have found dust without the proper studying condi-which serve



tions- a proper table, chair, lighting and meals the results are usually not @t wonderful. These courses need ba be identified together vdth the end-user so that on completion the student is immediately taken up in employment. All courses to be facilitated and done in conjunction with HETOA/CICI.
Extensive research has been done by Mr M.J. Oosthuizen (Technicon OFS) to develop courses for Town Councils, Provincial Administrations, Regional District Councils, IIETOA is busy identifying needs for industry, and manufacturing.

PROPOSED STUDY 14()I)Y! (see diagiuxn)

This study model HETOA/CICI and the Technicon of the OFS are implementing and can briefly be explained as follows:
Career Guidance counselling is essential as alreadymentioned. Relative low cost of informal training.
Study material can be tnade available in any region.
Pre-Matric in the diagram means those who have passed standards 6, 7, 8 and 9, including very weak Standard I 0 symbols.
The model allows entry for candidates to all the various facilities depending on their ability and previ‑ous academic performance.
Through informal training the candidate can progress to a job in a very short time.
The main objective is to initiate the education process and get students involved in tertiary education of some form, the future then depends entirely on die individual as to how he or she will proceed.

SELF-HELP AND CO-OPERATIVES
Proposals:
The unemployed who have skills to be organised in at least three areas: ]3oshabet in ()FS, Albany in the Cape and Lebowa. HETOA have acquired development rights for 2 townships in Botshabelo referred to extensions R and V Extensive end-user studies are being prepared to evaluate exactly what form of development will need to take place at Botshabelo, one of our objectives at this stage are to create educational facilities, to kerb the present uncontrollable ubaliization taldng place, by upliftment training programmes or light industry, manufacture and agriculture, to stimulate Botshabelo to grow as a node independently with sufficientjob opportunities locally instead of having to move to the PWV and Bloemfontein. A group of 3-5 people in each of the directions to be organised (of utmost impor‑tance is that any training programmes undertaken must enable such a student to be self supporting for the rest of his or her life)
Sewing, knitting and weaving
Electronics (T.V, radio, watch repairing, electricity) Welding and Plwnbing
Fencing and pre-cast walls
Brickmaking and building
Carpentry, painting and drawing
Farming (poultry, pigs, etc)
CommumM gardening
Leatherworks and shoe repairing
Each group will need training and thereafter materials as capital. I-IETOAICICI to act as a consultant and adviser for the self-help and co-op groups.
The Mangaung Community Project in the Sekororo agricultural settlement in the Naphuno district (Trichardsdal), HETOA/CICI is at the rnotnent trying to raise funds to complete a Training Centre for which IDT granted R26 000,00. The Centre is appn?trnawly 60ii complete (roof on with no fleshings, no screeds, plastering is 80it conijetl no ceilings, electrical conduits only, no sanitary fittings except two sink units but provision has been made for sanitary fittings to he fitted in the future).
This centre is intended to be used for sewing, knitting and weaving. HETOA/CICI is busy starring 1T

bricklaying and building training in conjunction with Portland Cement Institute for the building of a Day School/Creche. The need has teen identified for I I 5 tiniues who with 2 teachers and a cooker (local terrri) are using he ImUch tee as a classroom for the for the Day Centre.

HETOA/CICI is together with the local agricultural settlements of Maake 10 500 families and popwa-

don of 55 71 5 and Sekororo with 6 423 finihes and I 0391 population trying to establish a Training Centre and Day Centre in each of the I 0 settlements.

The self help and cooperative projects will train small groups of say 3-5 people for a district. Objectives:

To provide job skills training for youth drop-outs, the unemployed and under employed in the commu‑nity.

To reduce the problems of crime, violence and poverty bywlf-help and,job creation programmes. To reduce unemployment and provide self-reliance.

CONCEPT FOR TIIE UPGRADING OF EYJSTING CORRUGATED~IRON SQUATTER HOMES.

Motivation:

To change existing conughe&don squatter type houses into permanent structures within an econonii‑cal price, with as little as inconvenience as possible to the present inhabitants of the unit.

That urbanization can take place on an ordered and permanent basis. Planning of squatter settlements must make provision for future services.

Moral standards of living can be uplifted and an improved quality of life can be expected by the inhab‑itants.

The settlements that will develop will lead to a more stable society.

Each end-user would have inade his or her contribution to the planning of the individual unit and their

needs in square tnetres, and no specific design or size can be imposed on the inhabitants as the existing walls and their positions is what is going to be upgraded.

The safety and security of a permanent structure is going 1) result in a higher level of peace of mind, Envisaged Procedure:

The upgrading can be achieved by setting up certain requirements:

That each house has at least 2 doors, (the reason being that purpose made doorframes have been designed to act as lateral structural elements). Ceiling heights of at least 2 250, required as the mini‑mwn for proper living conditions, with sufficient windows providing both light and ventilation as re‑quired by local authorities. These minimum standards would have to be explained by agents in the suburbs and when inhabitants qualify for the upgrading of their unit, they must see to it that the neces‑sary changes are made. The existing structure will serve as permanent formwork witch is then covered from the outside with an insulation material (1 2 rum polystyrene was used in the complete unit) over which is fixed a light mesh, which is then finished with a special mix cenient/conerete, in a variety of finishes. The upgraded house will thus take on the same form as the squatter house bad. Temporary accommodation can be provided for by erecting army surplus tents on site, with proper arrangements made for the protection of personal belongings during the upgrading process. Future developments might result in the squatter unit not having to be evacuated completely during upgrading. Squatters we are sure will tend to spend more time in erecting their units if they realise there is a potential to upgrade, and create a permanent structure.

Electricity can he provided by solar energy if the sites still need to be serviced at a cost of R2000-00 per unit, for 8 low voltage lightpoints and 2 15Amp plugs.

Immediate Advantages:

The owner of a squatter unit will have a residence with insulation and structural qualities equal to any blok or bricIGkin conventional building with a low fire risk.

The risk of building material theft, compared with conventional building methods, to a large extent will be eliminated as all materials can be transported to each site without any building materials having to be delivered in advance to sites.
The advantages of hgts and power points is that children can do homework after dark and have the pesitac chance of watchingI'.V myticti still remains die most powerful education media for the average person, and the usage of any other electronic equipment becomes a reality.
The cost of such an uppmdhg shouldn't be more than RI 35-00 per sq. rnetre, which is considerably less than any example of conventional housing to be constructed today.
The disappearance of squatter type family settlements will play a very positive role to reduce the effect of poverty and misery and could change their quality of life radically, creating settlements of unique character as residents import their own creative ideas, when starting to decorate their units mid differ‑tent types of selected sands and paints, the units need not all have the same cement colour, and a rich mosaic of different building forms and colours can result in a very interesting sub-urban design devel‑opment.
Progress up to date:
HETOA/CICI together nth ?Ar Johan (Opperman a building contractor from Pretoria completely up‑graded a squatter home in the Hartbeesfontein district (northwest of Brits on the Thabazimbi road) belonging U) %c chairman of SANCO locally, Mr Gerde Maphephu, the reaction was overwhelming. Visits to the site with Mr Andrew Lukele, President of the National Stokvels and party, consulting engineers V3 appointed by Future Bank to evaluate the upgraded squatter unit all have been impressed. SA14CC) sent a group of young architects from Planact to evaluate the unit they drew comparisons with conventional building methods during their visit and apparently suggested (er diddt see the report) that all people rather be housed in conventional type housing instead of trying to upgrade existing squauerumit.
HETOAICICI however feel very positive that this upgraded idt does present a large sector of the population the opportunity to own a home which can be bonded and appreciate in value AI a later sage can be sold at a prQEt and another residence purchased arovdng gains of capital assets. 0 ur objectives where to train local teams to manufacture die purpose-made door and window units, the reinforcing mesh and all the subsequent operations on site.
MI believe that the reason this project hassit got od'the ground has only been a lack of TAItmw marketing, we need bD be able tUo appoint somebody to run with the project, all who have been involved did so vol untarily and hoped that one or two visits by interested parties would get the project otT the ground. What is needed axe funds for a snadl pilot marketing team say two people and an adminisita‑tive person to market the project on a full-time basis, and then to follow two training officers and construction teams would be alle b) get started wit iin two Mont is.
Direct costs involved:
Since HETOA/CICI has really only been involved in identifying projects from June to accurately fore‑cast the number of jobs isdt going to be all that accurate, we are intending to recruit at least 200 students for training via the Buro for Post-prim@ Education and our main objective will be to create ongoingemployment.
Consulting fees would have to be applicable on a sliding scale depending on numbers and accessibility, in the form of recruiting, and identifying needs of the job market.
StudymodelfeeswouldrangefromRI5p.h.andR500-00 for full board p. m.HTOA/ CICI are at this stage in the process of feasibility studies and detailed costings.