70.
Zinc concentrate however is an intermediary product. It needs to be further processed into zinc metal the final product, which is
then sold in the market. The process of transformation is achieved through the refining and smelting of the concentrate into metal,
which is then sold to customers in various industries.
Zinc metal used mainly to galvanize steel products. In the chemical industry its compounds are used as filters in rubber and paints.
South Africa is ranked fifth in terms of global zinc reserves, however we are a relatively small producer and exporter of zinc by
world standards, ranked only 18th. China, Australia and Canada are the largest producers of zinc metal. Canada is also the leading exporter.
71.
The process of refining is not an integrated operation in South Africa and is performed by a single refiner, Zincor. We will for this
reason refer to the zinc metal market as a separate downstream market.
72.
It is common cause between Anglo and the IDC that the merger leads to overlaps between Anglo and Kumba in the zinc concentrate market.
It is also common cause that Kumba is, because of its ownership of Zincor, in the downstream market. What is not common cause is
whether Anglo is a potential entrant into the downstream market and that whether its choice to enter that market by acquisition rather
than independent entry will lead to an increase in the price of zinc metal in South Africa.
73.
Anglo American operates a zinc/lead mine in the Northern Cape Province, called Black Mountain. It also owns the undeveloped Gamsberg
ore reserves. The Gamsberg project has been postponed indefinitely because of the depressed zinc market, which is at a 20 year low. Anglo is also in the process of constructing a zinc refinery in Namibia, called the Skorpion project, as part of an Export Processing
Zone. However, this development will not have an effect on South Africa because, according to Anglo, sales to SADC members are prohibited.
74.
Zincor, a wholly owned subsidiary of Kumba, is the only zinc refiner in South Africa. Zinc is supplied to Zincor by all the South
African producers. Kumba also operates the Rosh Pinah lead/zinc mine in Namibia.
75.
In the upstream market Anglo has a market share of 28% (it owns the Black Mountain mine), Kumba 36% (it owns the Rosh Pinah mine),
BHP Billiton 11% (it owns the Pering mine), Metorex 12% (it owns the Maranda mine) and imports 17%. Post the merger Anglo will have
a market share of 64% in the upstream zinc market. However, both the Pering and the Maranda mine will stop producing by 2004. Black
Mountain is expected to close in 2013 and Rosh Pinah has 8 years of production left.
76.
Zinc concentrate is not traded on the London Metal Exchange (“LME”) because all of the zinc concentrate produced in South
Africa is supplied to Zincor. It is sold by way of long-term contracts between the mine and smelter. For historical reasons mines are paid for only 85% of the zinc in concentrate. This has persisted even though smelters now recover
95% of the zinc in the concentrate. The difference between the 85% paid for and the 95% recovered is referred to as “free zinc”.
The zinc that is paid for is called “payable zinc”. The mine pays the smelter a fee known as the treatment charge to
transform the concentrate into saleable zinc metal. The treatment charge is set in annual negotiations with reference to a base price,
normally an expected SHG price. The treatment charge is typically about 40% of the actual SHG price. The price is, however, tied to the LME benchmark price for Special High Grade zinc (“SHG”). The lack of exports of zinc
concentrate from Southern Africa is an indication that the prices paid by Zincor for zinc concentrate have been sufficiently high
to make it more economic for independent producers of zinc concentrate to supply Zincor than to sell their product on the export
market. We therefore regard the geographic market as international.
77.
In the downstream market the zinc refinery, in this case Zincor, receives concentrated ore from the various mines and refines it into
one of the primary grades of zinc metal. Zincor is regarded as the 3rd lowest cost producer of zinc metal in the western world, according to international benchmarking by Brook Hunt 2000.
78.
The local input of zinc concentrate is insufficient to meet Zincor’s demand. Zincor, therefore, imports 4% of its concentrate
requirements. It receives 24% of its zinc concentrate from Rosh Pinah, 36% from Black Mountain, 12% from Maranda and 20% from Pering.
79.
Nearly all of the output of the Zincor refinery, 87%, is used within South Africa and 13% is exported. The majority of its output,
around 24%, is sold to Iscor, its largest customer, and 63% to other domestic customers. Its zinc customers are all located within
a 100km radius of its plant, located near Johannesburg. Approximately 10% of domestic consumption is imported, mostly by customers
located close to the coast in Cape Town.
80.
Zinc metal is an internationally traded commodity and is traded on the LME. The price paid for zinc metal in South Africa equals the
LME price plus a premium that is individually negotiated between buyers and sellers to reflect the quality of the zinc purchased
and logistical issues. Transport only represents 2% of total cost. Thus if the local price is raised by 5%, customers will turn to imports. It is priced at near import parity. Dr Hilmar Rode of Anglo, told the Tribunal that Zincor indicates on its website that it purchased zinc concentrate on international
terms, see transcript p. 297. We thus regard the geographical market as international.
81.
According to the IDC the transaction will have a horizontal effect on the zinc market leading to the diminishing or prevention of
future competition in the zinc market.
82.
Zincor, operated by Kumba, is the only zinc refinery that is operating in the downstream market. According to the IDC there are, from
an anti-trust perspective, two possible future entrants that could come into the market and compete with Zincor. The first is Anglo’s
Gamsberg project, not yet established, but which in terms of its proposal would have included a refinery, and the second, the Skorpion
refinery in Namibia, also being developed by Anglo.
83.
The Gamsberg project was, according to Mr Trahar, mothballed indefinitely in 2001 because of a depressed zinc market and the Skorpion
refinery in Namibia is prohibited from selling into the Customs Union Area because it is part of an Export Processing Zone. Anglo,
therefore, argues that these two refineries could not be regarded as potential entrants.
84.
However, should the Gamsberg project be reactivated it would, according to Anglo, not affect prices in the zinc market.
85.
The IDC argues that the coincidence between the decision to mothball the Gamsberg project and the date at which Anglo must have considered
acquiring its interest in Kumba could lead one to draw the inference that the only reason the project was abandoned was because with
the merger, Anglo had no need to own its own refinery. The explanation that Anglo would never have entered because of the present
state of the market is not credible, according to the IDC.
86.
Anglo vehemently deny this and state that the Gamsberg project would not have happened in the present state of the zinc market even
absent the merger. Given its location in the Western Cape, well away from the bulk of the domestic customer base for zinc metal which is inland, the
project needed to be largely dependent on exports to be viable. Whilst we are in no position to resolve this dispute of fact we need not do so. The evidence turns on whether, if Gamsberg had come
on line as a refinery, it would have led to a substantial reduction of zinc metal prices for domestic consumers.
87.
The zinc metal pricing is pinned somewhere between export and import parity. According to Anglo the Johannesburg PWV area is the largest
zinc metal market and the difference between import and export parity pricing is of the order of 2-3%. In terms of the two import
satellite markets being Cape Town and Durban, the difference in export and import parity pricing is 1% and less. These percentages
will thus be the maximum potential reduction in pricing, should Gamsberg enter the market. Firms involved in galvanising, who are
the most important downstream consumers of zinc metal, indicated to Anglo that zinc represents 20% of their costs. Thus the reduction
of 2-3% of a 20% cost input is very small and will thus not have a substantial effect on competition.
88.
The evidence of Anglo,s Dr Rode, who was the only witness on this point which was not disputed by the IDC, was that the price reduction
if Gamsberg had been on line would have been felt in Gauteng only, but that nevertheless even this fact was uncertain as Gamsberg,
given its location, is not favourably situated to supply Gauteng. Transport cost from a South African port to Johannesburg by truck represents approximately 2% of the zinc price.
89.
Thus, we find that in light of the relative small affect that a potential entrant would have on prices in the local zinc market, that
zinc concentrate can easily be imported The evidence of Dr Rode was that in relation to the value of the product, transport costs were about 3%. and that prices are capped by import parity for zinc concentrate lying between import parity and export parity for zinc metal, competition
will not be substantially lessened or prevented in the zinc market.
90.
If the market is viewed as an international one, then post merger, Anglo would have 3,7% of the zinc concentrate and 2,2% of the zinc
metal market, figures of no significance from a competition perspective. By way of comparison with its international competitors in zinc concentrate this is small. Pasminco has 11% and Glencore 12,5%.
Iron ore
91.
Iron ore is used to make iron and steel. 98% of iron ore is used to manufacture steel. Steel can be manufactured in an integrated steel mill by using iron ore as an input, or alternatively in an electric arc furnace
using recycled scrap steel or direct reduced iron ore.
92.
Iron ore is found in a variety of physical forms:
1)
Fines, which are “sintered” to form sintered fines of 17-18mm average diameter,
2)
Pellets, which are pelletised, to form pellets of 5 -10 mm in diameter, or
3)
Lump, which has a width greater than 76mm.
93.
Lump ore and pellets can be charged directly to an integrated steel mill’s blast furnace, but fines must be sintered first.
The majority of South Africa’s production consists of lump ore and fines.
94.
The world’s three largest producers of iron ore, BHP Billiton in Australia, CVRD and Rio Tinto in Australia account for approximately
59% of the world production. These three firms in turn supply 71% of the export market. Together Kumba and Assmang, by comparison,
supply only 5% the export market.
95.
In South Africa, Kumba and Assmang produce iron ore for sale to steel producers. The other significant player is Anglo American that
owns the Mapochs mine, referred to in par. 99 below. Foskor Limited, which is a wholly owned subsidiary of the IDC, produces limited amounts of iron ore as a by-product in the mining
of phosphate rock, its primary business. Foskor states that, at present, it is stockpiling the iron ore that it produces for possible
future sales.
96.
Kumba is the largest iron ore mining entity in South Africa. Kumba owns three mines, the Sishen mine in Northern Cape Province and
the Thabazimbi mine in the Limpopo Province. The third mine is the Sishen South Mine that is expected to start production in 2004. Kumba also owns the Hope Downs iron ore mine project in Australia.
97.
The Sishen mine accounts for 90% of Kumba’s production of iron ore and is the 3rd largest open pit iron ore mine in the world. Most of the output of the Sishen mine, 75%, is exported via Saldanha Bay. The remaining
25% is sold to Iscor Iscor has an undivided share in Sishen mineral rights, which entitles it to 6.25 metric tonnes of iron ore per annum. and Saldanha steel. The volume exported through Saldanha is limited by the capacity of the Orex railway line that connects Sishen
with Saldanha. Orex is owned and managed by Spoornet, a division of Transnet. The Orex railway allows for the shipment of 28 million tonnes of iron
ore per annum. Kumba has been allocated capacity rights of 23 million tonnes per annum and Assmang 5 million tonnes.
98.
Thabazimbi sells all of its output to Iscor’s Vanderbijlpark and Newcastle mills and is thus a ‘captive’ mine. The
Thabazimbi mine is near the end of its life and the estimated remaining mine life is eight years.
99.
Currently Anglo American has no direct link to the iron ore mining industry other than its interest in Highveld Steel, which obtains
its feedstock ore from its wholly-owned Mapochs Mine. The Mapochs Mine is a vertically integrated operation that produces vanadium
rich iron ore, which is consumed entirely by Highveld Steel.
100.
Post the merger Anglo will have a market share of 78.8%, based on production of iron ore. Assmang will have a market share of 13.6%
and Highveld 7.6%.
101.
Assmang’s iron ore mine is located at Beeshoek in the Northern Cape Province, adjacent to Kumba’s undeveloped Sishen South
mine. Assmang exports its iron ore and also sells to Scaw Metals, a subsidiary of Anglo, and to Davsteel an independent steel producer
in Gauteng province.
102.
Iscor is the largest consumer of iron ore in South Africa, accounting for 72% of South African steel production in 2001. Highveld
Steel and Scaw Metals, both subsidiaries of Anglo, are the next largest steel producers, accounting for approximately 20% of production.
The only other steel producer in South Africa that uses iron ore as feedstock is Davsteel, which accounts for 4% of production. The
remaining 2% of production is accounted for by small firms that use scrap metal rather than iron ore as an input to their steel making
processes.
103.
There are no imports of iron ore into South Africa. The price paid for iron ore in South Africa is approximately 30% less than the
import parity level. However, Iscor is protected by two long-term contracts with Kumba, one in respect of Thabazimbi and the other in respect of Sishen. Although the contracts differ, the material term, which is a guarantee
that Iscor is supplied iron ore at cost plus 3% is the same for both.
The issues
104.
The merger raises potential competition issues in the iron ore market because Anglo controls two steel factories, Highveld and Scaw,
which compete not only with Iscor, Kumba’s largest customer, but also with any potential entrants into the steel market.
105.
This became the major focus of disagreement between Anglo and the IDC in these proceedings. Both parties relied on expert evidence.
Anglo called Dr Robert Stillman, an economist from Lexecon, an international consultancy and Dr Sigurd Mareels an expert in the steel
industry, who consults with the firm McKinsey, while the IDC called Dr Timothy Daniel, an economist from another international consulting
firm, NERA.
106.
Dr Daniel identified the following competition concerns with the merger:
At a horizontal level he said that the merger would lead to a reduction in competition as the market presently had three players and
that post merger there would be only two.
Secondly, the merger raised what can be categorised as vertical issues. One species of vertical concerns was that the merger would
enable Anglo to raise the costs of its existing and potential rivals in the steel market. The second was that the merger could be
used to facilitate collusion between Anglo’s steel companies and Iscor.
107.
We will examine these issues separately.
Horizontal issues.
108.
Dr Daniel examines both the pre-merger and post–merger concentrations in the iron ore market and comes to the conclusion that
the markets are highly concentrated pre-merger and even more so post-merger. See p 499 of the Exhibits file where Daniel analyses the HHI results as follows:
•
ΤηειρονορεμαρκετινΣΑισηιγηλψχονχεντρατεδ
1,800 vs 9,232 in sales
1,800 vs 7,650 in production
•
ΤηεΗΗΙινχρεμεντισϖερψσιγνιφιχαντ
50 vs 3,150 in sales
50 vs 1.198 in production
109.
This evidence about the concentration level in the industry is common cause. What is novel about his evidence is his theory that Anglo
is presently engaged in the iron ore production market through Mapochs and that this has served as a constraint on Kumba. He argued
that presently Kumba is constrained from increasing its price to Iscor and others. If prices in steel become uncompetitive and customers
switch to Highveld this will decrease iron ore sales domestically for Kumba. Post the merger, however, Kumba will have no such constraint
as it will be controlled by Anglo who have the incentive to bring about such an outcome. He further argues that new entrants to the
steel market will now be faced with the choice of two iron ore suppliers instead of three.
110.
Anglo had little difficulty in disposing of this theory, which much like the rest of Dr Daniels evidence, was theoretically sound
but lacked any application to the empirical data of the case. The reason that Mapochs is not a competitor to Kumba and Assmang is
technical. Its iron ore is not substitutable for that of other iron ore as it has a low content of iron ore and a high presence of
other ingredients, which have to be eliminated in the production process of steel. This means that a steel plant using Mapochs iron ore has to be designed to achieve this at great cost. Highveld is the only steel
plant in the country at the moment configured to make use of this iron ore. For a new entrant wishing to enter into steel manufacture
there is a choice of spending $400m to $500m for a mini mill or $750m for a DRI mini mill, as opposed to one billion dollars for
a mill that could use Mapochs ore.
111.
It appears from the evidence of Dr Mareels that it would only be viable to use Mapochs iron ore if one was to enter the market primarily
using vanadium as the core product and steel as a secondary by-product, as Highveld do. In addition it appears that the Mapochs mine
ore will last for another 40 years at the current rate of production. If that rate were to be increased to supply another firm this
would greatly reduce the life of the mine.
112.
A new entrant is not faced with a diminished choice in supply. Prior to the merger the entrant would have to choose between a factory
designed for Mapochs iron ore, in which case it would be faced by a monopoly supplier or the more conventional plant, in which case
it would face a duopoly in Kumba and Assmang. The situation is no different post merger and the fact that Anglo controls Kumba would
not alter the equation.
113.
In our view Mapochs does not compete with Kumba or Assmang because of these technical difficulties, and accordingly the IDC’s
objection fails at the first hurdle and we need not examine the issue of incentives here. Incentives are examined later in the section
dealing with vertical issues.
Vertical Issues
114.
Dr Daniels on behalf of the IDC raised two vertical competition issues – one, foreclosure in the downstream steel market where
Anglo also competes through Highveld and Scaw Metals and the other a horizontal issue, collusion, between Iscor, Highveld and Scaw
Metals.
115.
We will firstly consider the foreclosure or raising rivals’ costs theory. It will be recalled that earlier, we stated that
post the unbundling of Kumba, Iscor had secured its supply position by entering into long term supply agreements with Kumba for supply
from Sishen and Thabazimbi. These contracts are highly favourable to Iscor as they ensure that Iscor is supplied on a cost plus 3%
formula. Dr Daniels argues that notwithstanding the existence of these contracts, they allow an Anglo-controlled Kumba enough “wiggle
room” to interpret them in a manner that would permit them to raise the level of costs so as to raise the costs of steel production
for Iscor. When the Commission did its initial investigation of the merger it met with Mr Van Niekerk, the chief executive officer of Iscor,
who according to the Commission’s counsel expressed no concerns about the merger and gave as the reason the fact that Iscor
was protected by its contracts with Kumba. This meeting took place in June or July 2002 . On 14 May 2003,approximately one week before
the merger hearing commenced, Mr Van Niekerk wrote to the Tribunal to state that Iscor had serious concerns about the merger. Concerns
were that under Anglo, Kumba might not invest sufficiently in iron ore expansion at Sishen South and might favour investment in Australia
instead. Secondly, he raised concerns that Iscor’s strategic information might become available to its competitors in the Anglo
stable. He did not however offer to testify at the hearing nor ask for Iscor to intervene. Iscor was represented throughout the proceedings
by its attorneys who had a watching brief. What accounts for the Iscor volte- face is difficult to discern - all of these issues
would have been known to Iscor when it met with the Commission in 2002. Anglo suggest, cynically, that the change is explicable by
the change in dynamics on the Iscor board- LNM is now the dominant shareholder and Mr Ngqula, the IDC’s chief executive officer,
is now Iscor’s chairperson. We are not in a position to comment on this but were Iscor as concerned about the merger as the
tone of the letter suggests, we have no doubt that it would have been more robust in communicating this point of view to us. Given
that we find that Anglo has no incentive to raise Iscor’s costs, we need not probe this further.
116.
There was much dispute as to whether the contracts properly interpreted allowed for this flexibility. We need not involve ourselves
in this interpretative exercise, as Dr Daniel’s case is dependent on whether Anglo has, in addition to the contractual wiggle
room, an incentive to behave in this manner.
117.
Kumba as we have noted produces iron ore from two mines, Sishen and Thabazimbi. As about 75% of Kumba’s total output is destined for the international
market, and as the Thabazimbi mine is contracted to sell 100% of its output to Iscor, these exports originate entirely from the Sishen
mine and require the incentive structure in both mines to be analysed separately.
118.
The cost of iron ore to Iscor is calculated on the basis of a cost plus 3% management fee. Dr Daniel is of the view that Anglo indeed
has the incentive to raise costs of Iscor by artificially or actually increasing mining costs at both Sishen and Thabazimbi. This
increase in cost to Iscor will then compel Iscor to raise the price of steel and hence benefit Highveld and Scaw, either by having
consumers switch to their products or enable them to raise their domestic price without losing business to Iscor. Dr Daniel recognizes
that if Anglo were to increase the costs incurred at Sishen this would impact adversely on exports that have to be sold at world
prices or export parity. However, he was also of the view that the benefits would arise from an increase in profits from higher prices
or volumes in the downstream market for Highveld and Scaw and that these benefits would outweigh the costs.
119.
Anglo’s expert, Dr Stillman, in response to this theory then performed a calculation based on figures that they had to test
Dr Daniel’s central proposition. Upon calculating the impact of a hypothetical 10% increase in iron ore costs by Kumba on the
upstream export market and the downstream steel market it was shown by Dr Stillman that the costs vastly outweighed the benefits
to Anglo of pursuing this particular strategy of raising rivals’ costs. Even though the calculation assumed Highveld would
be able to pass on the full cost increase into domestic prices, the loss of sales and profits incurred by Kumba on the export market
dwarf the increase in Highveld’s sales into the domestic market. Therefore we can conclude that the costs far exceed the benefits
of this strategy to Anglo. The IDC failed to contradict the data presented and therefore we can comfortably dismiss the likelihood
of this scenario occurring at the Sishen mine.
120.
With regard to the Thabazimbi mine on the other hand, the incentive to raise costs to Iscor does not appear to exist. The contract
between the mine and Iscor rather provides a strong incentive to reduce costs. Under the contract, if costs are reduced, Kumba gets
to keep [confidential information] of the cost reduction. Once again a numerical example demonstrates that under the most stringent assumptions, the incentive to reduce
costs outweighs any benefit to Anglo at Highveld of allowing costs to be increased at Thabazimbi.
121.
Even if Anglo were to operate in such an irrational manner and allow costs to rise at Thabazimbi, given that only a small amount of
iron ore is sourced from the mine, the calculations show that a 10% increase in the cost of iron ore sourced from the Thabazimbi
mine would only increase total steel making costs at Iscor by 0.3%.
122.
Finally, given the agreement between the expert witnesses that the marginal cost of steel production in South Africa is determined
by export parity, higher iron ore costs would fail to impact on domestic prices charged by Iscor for steel. Therefore, in conclusion,
on the basis of evidence before the Tribunal there is little support for the contention that Anglo would follow a strategy of raising
rivals’ costs in steel making at either of the two mines.
123.
The foreclosure argument is a variant of the above argument for raising rivals’ costs. The argument made was that Anglo would
raise costs to Iscor in order to benefit Anglo’s Highveld steel operation. This would be achieved by raising costs to other
existing steel manufacturers such as Davsteel. According to Dr Stillman, Davsteel accounts for less than 10% of local steel sales. It currently buys iron-ore from Assmang, however,
85% of its feedstock comes from scrap metal. The iron-ore portion of Davsteel’s total cost is less than 1%. (See page 59 of
the transcript.) Anglo would also raise the costs of new entry in order to either foreclose such entry or reduce the profitability of such entry.
124.
Dr Daniel suggested that while complete foreclosure may not be profitable to Anglo, partial foreclosure would be if Anglo were maximizing
profits. Unfortunately once the calculations of the benefits and costs of raising costs are done, given the importance of exports
in the Kumba portfolio, there is no possibility of even partial foreclosure being profitable. Various theoretical models of partial foreclosure were proposed during the hearing, but once these models were calibrated to the
actual data, the model proposed by Dr Daniel became an empirical impossibility. (See page 551 and 552 of the Exhibits file.) Interestingly these calculations suggested that given the global focus in Kumba’s business the major disciplining factor in
the iron ore market is the pressure in world markets to keep costs down in order to be competitive.
125.
The second theory raised by the IDC, that we need to consider, is the horizontal issue and the question being asked is whether the
merger will facilitate collusion between Anglo’s downstream steel interests, Highveld and Scaw Metals and Iscor, currently
Kumba’s largest customer.
126.
Dr Daniel suggests that the possibilities for collusion are enhanced by the possibilities for information sharing that the Iscor
/Kumba supply contracts provide and secondly, that the ability to raise Iscor’ s price via Kumba, gives a post-merger Anglo
a weapon for enforcing the cartel if Iscor cheated, a weapon it lacks pre-merger.
127.
Both experts are at least in agreement that three elements are required for a stable collusive agreement. Firstly, the ability of
the parties to reach agreement to collude; secondly, the parties need to monitor compliance of the agreement by the members because
of the incentive to cheat and; thirdly, there needs to be an ability to enforce the collusive agreement so that if cheating takes
place the members would be able to discipline that member.
128.
Dr Stillman in his analysis, focussed only on the possibility of collusion whereby the members of the cartel agree to restrict output
in order to have higher prices in the steel industry for the benefit of the members.
129.
In order for such an arrangement to succeed, Anglo will have to know how much steel Iscor plans to sell in the local market because
exports would be excluded in this scenario. Dr Stillman doesn’t doubt that Anglo could learn from its control of Kumba about
Iscor’s expansion